Chapter 3

CHAPTER 3

AMERICAN-BORN FIRST AND SECOND GENERATION

DESCENDANTS OF IMMIGRANTS, AND THEIR

DIVINE WORSHIP PREFERENCES

Thirty respondents, twelve male and eighteen female, of American-born first and second generation descendants of immigrants, provided three hundred responses to the inquiries in the questionnaire. In the case of the immigrant women, more than double the number that we planned originally to interview, came forth to air their views.

(See Biographical Data, p. 95).

Narrative Comment

First and second generation respondents agreed with greater enthusiasm to be interviewed and displayed what seemed to be a deeper and stronger conviction about their responses in the matters about which they were being interviewed. They did not hesitate to interject, repeatedly, that they hoped their responses would be seriously considered because, they believed, the alternative would be a mass exodus from the Orthodox Church by the generations that would follow.

These same predictions of doom have been heard over and over again during the past years. The pleas for linguistic and liturgical reform have been routinely deferred in favor of traditional practices. Still, the American generations spawned by their immigrant predecessors, continue to experience serious difficulty trying to worship meaningfully in a language alien to their native tongue.

Age and marital status. Although the flow of immigrants to America is a continuing process, the number of ethnic marriages at Saint Nicholas is diminishing steadily. Of the first and second generation male spouses, only 17 percent of them have ethnic marriages, (both spouses of Greek origin), and 83 percent have inter-church marriages, (one or both are not of Greek extraction). Of the female spouses, 22 percent have ethnic marriages while 78 percent are inter-church.

One of the reasons that families of inter-church marriages converge toward Saint Nicholas in the Tidewater Area is that Saint Nicholas is an English language oriented parish. When new families arrive at Saint Nicholas and culture preferences are expressed, they are encouraged to visit the other Orthodox churches in the Tidewater before joining any church.

The average age of first and second generation adult men and women of Saint Nicholas is thirty-four years. The children of this group are very young. Clearly these parents are vitally concerned about the spiritual and religious upbringing their children will receive. Their future adult lives, in these difficult times and in the years ahead, must be undergirded with moral and spiritual principles that will enable them to survive the onslaught of rampant immorality and godlessness from every direction. Family, religious orientation, and worship assume dimensions of incalculable gravity with first and second generation Americans at Saint Nicholas and present the clergy with enormous challenges and responsibilities in their ministry to these young Orthodox families.

Birthplace. By comparison with immigrants whose place of birth was Greece or Cyprus, the United States was the birthplace of all first and second generation American Saint Nicholas families. As a result of the interface of American and Greek Orthodox cultures, a "new" Orthodox family has emerged, and with it a "new" church for this time and place.[1] More than two-thirds of the constituency of Saint Nicholas in Virginia Beach, Virginia, is comprised of persons of national origins other than Greek. There is much in Orthodox Christian parish life at Saint Nicholas that has been touched and transmuted into an American form.[2]

For almost one hundred years, the Orthodox Church in America and its many local parishes have provided, and continue to provide, the perfect vehicle for the immigrant Greek's social governance. To that enormous collateral function, the church has responded fittingly. The fullness of time having come, however, the Orthodox Church is confronted anew with an even greater demand: to provide the consummate conveyance for spiritual governance and redemption of the descendant Americans and their families. This provision is the birthright of the descendant American Orthodox Christian and his family.

Education. The difference in educational goals attained between the first and second generation and their immigrant parents is astounding. Certainly this speaks to the aims to which immigrant parents (whether they are of Greek origin or not) seem committed when seeking to provide for their children a level of education which, for a variety of reasons, was not available to them in their homeland.

Among the opportunities available in the American environment that attract the admiring attention of the immigrant, the availability of education stands with the most desirable. One out of five new male arrivals and two out of five new female arrivals have a high school education; however, among first and second generation progeny, two out of three males and females acquire a bachelor's degree, while a mere one out of nine females and no males fail to obtain a high school diploma. Immigrants labor long and hard to provide the funds for their children's higher education. They do so because of the popular conviction that the quality of life in America is directly proportionate to the quality of education.

From a very early age, children begin parroting their parents' yearnings to attend a specific institution of higher learning with a definite career direction. Of the eighteen women interviewed, all but two have college degrees, and career pursuits are as diversified as those of their husbands. Nor is the pursuit of higher education phenomenon limited to the laity alone.

As the inter-church family gained prominence, the church also noted that the professional education of the clergy had to rise to meet new needs and soaring expectations of American Orthodox communicants. The Greek Orthodox Theological Seminary at Brookline, MA., formerly a Greek form of European model for priestly formation, was transformed into the organizational and curricular format of the American college and university. Professionalization of the clergy in American terms can be seen in the following text taken from the school's 1954 catalogue:

By bringing the Theological studies to the scholastic level of other seminaries and by proving its capabilities to utilize the concentration in Greek studies, the school gained immensely. The present trend of development is towards the highest vocational preparation for the priestly life . . . is also on the State Department List of Approved Schools with the right to enroll students from foreign countries. Graduates are admitted to other theological schools and universities for higher degrees.[3]

The three clergy at Saint Nicholas who administered this project survey learned that the people of the church they interviewed regard their clergy, who had a higher level of education and greater degree of professional development than their predecessor immigrant priests, as more distinguished and eminent. They want their pastors to be as marketable as Protestant and Roman Catholic clergy, and with higher education.

Occupation. All immigrant males at Saint Nicholas are still restauranteurs and 30 percent of the wives work with their husbands. The remaining seven out of ten wives are homemakers. Less than half of the succeeding males inherited their fathers' businesses. It is worthy of note that although immigrant parents prospered in their motel and restaurant businesses, barely one out of three sons who inherited them have committed themselves to the food industry. The major deterrent, admittedly, was the fact that throughout their growing years, children spent very little time with their fathers who, of necessity, spent a major part of their waking days in their restaurants.

Unlike their parents, those who inherited restaurants devote much of their time with their children in worship, sports and family pastimes. In addition, family income now is derived from a variety of professional endeavors, and as aforementioned, not one first and second generation member at Saint Nicholas is without a high school education while, even more remarkably, three out of every four have acquired at least a bachelor's degree. The quality and level of education, as shown in the foregoing statistics, are trending upward at a rapid pace.

Parents' birthplace. In many churches, the membership is constantly changing. Some leave, some join, and the reasons vary. Saint Nicholas is a relatively new parish (1981) which was established to bring the message of Orthodox Christianity to those who have never heard it before. The English language was to be the primary language in this ministry.

Many of the immigrants who were here in the beginning either passed away, moved elsewhere, or returned to Norfolk, Virginia, in protest against the greater use of the English language in general worship at St. Nicholas. New families have gathered in their place. Some are in the military, some are from colder climates, and many are from the Tidewater and surrounding areas. This relocation activity has changed the constituency of Saint Nicholas so that the congregation is comprised of many cultures.

Of the sixty parents of the thirty men and women interviewed in this group, two in five are from Greece or Cyprus, while half are native Americans from a variety of ethnic backgrounds. This includes Irish, German, English, Swedish, Carpatho-Russian, Indian, Jewish, Mexican, French, Iraqi, Arabian, Japanese, and Ethiopian. Two are from Yugoslavia and one each from Lithuania, Smyrna, and Poland.

The challenge to provide Orthodox worship in a manner mindful of the religious traditions in which our convert constituency is reared, suitable in sight and sound and fulfilling spiritually, is a difficult undertaking. Traditional worship forms in non-Orthodox churches vary. Converts to Orthodoxy come to Saint Nicholas with their former faith more deeply ingrained and more zealously guarded than they imagine.

The adjustment is difficult. A multitude of restraints are imposed by the hierarchy upon priests to avoid any innovations they may consider helpful, in worship especially. Tradition and canon law take precedence. The spiritual needs of non-Greeks who embrace the Orthodox faith may sometimes become a lesser concern. As a result, the message to the community at large is sometimes interpreted that "One must be of Greek ancestry to belong to the Greek Orthodox Church and be fully accepted therein!"

Parents' occupation. More than half of the parents of the first two generations are owners or co-owners of business and are well-to-do. Although many of the businesses are restaurants, many parents have been attracted to other enterprises as well. In addition to careers that require college education, there are several persons employed in trades that require significant training.

More than half of the American born wives are homemakers. Several are teachers; some are nurses. Others are employed as secretaries, bookkeepers, etc. This is a far cry from the mothers of immigrants, all of whom are homemakers.

Their language skills are minimal, and the communication vehicle between the generations is the American language. Those, on the other hand, whose parents are immigrants from other lands and the more than half of the parents who were born in the United States are proficient in the language of our land. One would not consider it rational to attempt to converse with them in any other language. Many Greek immigrant mothers who are not

fluent in speech would probably be reluctant, or unable, to engage in any endeavor other than homemaker.

Parents' education. (Diploma or Degree). With the first two American generations, the trend toward higher education has been rapidly increasing, compared with that of the immigrants. Only one-third of the fathers of those interviewed lack a high school diploma. Three out of ten hold high school diplomas, and almost two out of five fathers hold bachelor's, master's or terminal degrees. Fewer mothers (three out of ten) lack a high school diploma; almost two-thirds hold a high school diploma, and one out of ten holds a bachelor's degree.

These rising trends among parents of descendants of the first two American generations appear to suggest that the third and fourth American generations will probably pursue high school and graduate studies at an even higher rate than the first and second generations.

Parents' religious affiliation. Most of the parents' religious affiliation is Greek Orthodox. This reflects the trend toward Saint Nicholas since its inception in 1981. Many inter-church families as well as converts came to Saint Nicholas because the word went out that the American language would be the major vehicle with which the Good News and worship of the Lord would be transmitted. Of the

remaining parents, almost one out of five is Roman Catholic or of a Protestant denomination.

The thirty respondents provided three hundred responses to the inquiries in the questionnaire. All were

very eager to express their opinions. In some cases they, too as did the immigrants, recorded more than one response to a question. (See Divine Worship Preferences, 1st & 2nd

Concerning the language. Clearly, the language in divine worship is basic and unique to individual, specific, and personal well-being. Spiritual gratification is realized only when people are enabled to pray in a manner they want to, and not in a manner others want them to. It is from the satisfaction of having worshiped in a manner meaningful to them that helps them know they are living a purposeful existence.[4]

First and second generation volunteers for the survey were abundant. The respondents here were divided almost equally between the English language and a combination of both Greek and English in the worship services. In contrast to early immigrants who were reluctant to expose their preferences, males and females in this segment of Saint Nicholas worshipers were especially enthusiastic about participating in the survey and expressing their opinions.

Feelings here were strong, and respondents were anxious for their expressions to reach hierarchal authority. More than half of both sexes prefer the English language in worship because their spouses and children can understand it. Otherwise they would find a church in which they could all understand the language. They have difficulty understanding what is meant when some say that services are "beautiful," especially when they don't understand a word. It seems to them that only people of Greek descent are truly wanted in the Greek Orthodox Church.

Although the primary reason for preferring the English language throughout the responses was "understanding," those females who prefer the Greek language feel very comfortable with it because this is how they have worshiped since their youth. The preference, however, for a combination of both languages by more than one-third of the respondents, both male and female, rests on many and varied supports. Especially, they like the hymns, and they prefer them to be in the Greek language because they sound better than they do in English. When they try to sing in church along with the choir, they discover that the English words do not fit very well in Byzantine music. Extending syllables for a number of notes in Greek is easily done, but it cannot be done easily in English (APPENDIX B, 204, D-5).

Those who feel that using both languages is one solution stress that it is frequently overdone and people end up staring at the walls. Generally, they want the English in order to understand. Many said that their willingness to include Greek was that they want their children to acquire some Greek. Most respondents, Greeks and non-Greeks, seem to agree that Greek is beautiful, but they need the English also so they can better understand what is happening. Nonetheless, there is a strong consensus that worship is not meant to be an exercise in translation.

The major concern, therefore, of the first and second American generations when attending church is to be able to understand what they are experiencing. The liturgical words will continue to be the primary vehicle for expressing worship if their presence in church is to be justified.

Moreover, our people are not just asking that the church simplify Chrysostom's liturgical words. By fully understanding the celebration of the Eucharist, they want to have a living encounter with the Lord Jesus Christ. They want to offer themselves completely to Him as many of their friends in other religious denominations do and, through the reception of Christ in Holy Communion, to enter into and share in the paschal mystery of Christ (Romans 12:1).[5]

If we think in these terms, it becomes exigent upon us to reinforce the liturgical communication of words with an increased consciousness of the non-verbal. Our respondents are telling us that they need to experience an enthusiasm and a sincerity in actions during worship that words alone fail to convey fully. They are saying that physical movement, environment, decor, music, and participation all deserve fresh consideration.[6] They do not hesitate to add that something more should be happening in worship in addition to the pageantry and understanding of words and the use of their ears and mouths.

Concerning the εικovoστάσιov. More than four out of five of the respondents, without mental reservation, declared categorically that they prefer the see-through εικovoστάσιov as it is at Saint Nicholas. The males in this category stated that being exposed to everything that is happening in the sanctuary gives them a feeling of being involved -- embraced by God. People feel they are entitled to see and know what the priest is doing in exposing the aura of the Eucharistic Mysterion. The invitation to be present makes them a party to the service and there ought not be any mystery since they are encouraged to participate. Two persons would prefer a return to antiquity's completely open sanctuary, separated from the nave by a low rail with small icons positioned on it.

Inter-church couples want avidly to see what is going on. They seem to be awed by the aura of the Consecration precisely when it is taking place. They feel a part of the service and they compare it with the closed altar of other churches.

Females are just as enthusiastic as their counterpart males in their partiality toward the see-through εικovoστάσιov. Their predisposition is based on the oneness between clergy and people as a result of the openness. They don't feel left out! They insist that their attention is held throughout the liturgy maintaining that it is intended for the people.

They are very enthusiastic about the exposed sanctuary because it enables them to be more aware and to feel more a part of what is going on. Being able to see puts an end to the feeling of being left out that they experienced with the closed εικovoστάσιov. Witnessing the proceedings does not lessen the awe with which the altar is regarded. They declare, in fact, that in being exposed, the altar is given a higher presence. At Saint Nicholas, the clergy are unreservedly persuaded that the advantages and benefits of the see-through εικovoστάσιov far outweigh whatever traditional value of the closed εικovoστάσιov is sacrificed. For the congregations of Saint Nicholas, the visible sanctuary is essential because by their repeated admissions, it provides a more reverent and worshipful atmosphere (APPENDIX B, 210, C-2).

Concerning the priest. Traditionally the priest stands between the altar table and the people. In facing the altar, he stands with his back to the people - facing the East. In some circles, the position of the priest is a hotly debated issue, especially by persons of other-than-Greek culture who have embraced the Orthodox faith. Of nine responses by the men, two have no particular preference where the priest positions himself, while the remaining seven prefer that the priest stand on the far side of the altar facing them.

Men feel that the priest and they are worshiping Jesus Christ together and not just the priest alone as if the congregation were not there. Adults of all walks of life in first and second generations feel that it is easier to understand the priest when he faces them. This very understanding contributes largely to an increased and enthusiastic participation that creates an atmosphere of closeness and unity.

The vast numbers of converts have brought with them, from other worship environments, a commonality which embraces togetherness, understanding, and the visible experience of Christian unity during hours of devotion. As a result of the increasing number of inter-church marriages, the personality of the Orthodox congregation is rapidly changing, and some minor liturgical changes may be a valid consideration for the new generations that are emerging.

Change in the church is vital for preservation and growth. The evolution of the concept of the church structure and of the religious experience in designated holy places has been felt since the fourth century Byzantine era. Most noticeable in this evolution has been the increasing separation of the clergy from the people and the stress laid on ritual purity.[7]

Nonetheless, as Schmemann notes, what was changed was not worship itself in its objective content and order, but rather the reception, the experience, and the understanding of worship.[8] Evolution continues as the "unchanged elements" are gradually set in a new "framework" bringing about a gradual reformation of the assembly of the Church and experience of the Holy Eucharist.[9]

Women, fifteen of sixteen, prefer the priest positioned on the far side of the altar facing the people in worship. They feel that only in this way can the critical matter of participation be enhanced. They are far more concerned with what the priest is doing. Women place a high value on being seen and being able to see. Their responses stress that when the priest faces the people, they feel he is looking at them and that his words are intended for them (APPENDIX B, 218, D-3). They feel closer to events in the service when they are able to see during the Consecration and Holy Communion.

When the priest is engaged in some sort of activity that demands that he turn his back to the congregation, the notion is widely held that he is doing something the worshipers are not entitled to or qualified to behold. They see a huge disparity between being permitted to see, to feel, to taste and to consume the finished product, and not being permitted to view the process through which the ultimate gift is attained. They feel that the occasion of the Consecration is the most sacred happening in the Liturgy and they long to view it.

From time to time during worship, the choir responds with an "Amen" on behalf of the congregation to indicate unanimity, the affirmation of all the members, for that which is being proclaimed or being done. Certainly, unanimity is important in order to increase group cohesiveness and commitment to Jesus Christ in Christian worship.[10] But if assent is forced in the form of an "Amen" for something about which the spectators are incognizant and imperceptive, then what, in fact, has been accomplished?

Concerning the use of incense. The use of incense is generally approved of and desired in all services by the first and second American generations. Only one male said that since he did not grow up in it, he had no particular preference for incense. It appears that there are almost as many reasons for favoring the use of incense as there are worshipers. Prudence, however, is advocated in its use since it may offend those with allergies. One person becomes sick when incense is used "excessively." We have no way of knowing how many others have been distressed by the use of incense or have left the church entirely.

There is, nevertheless, a consensus among men and women that incense identifies with "church." People frequently tell the priests at Saint Nicholas that when they open the door and enter the nave, they know they are in church when they smell the incense. Worshipers envision that as the incense mist rises, it carries with it heavenward the prayers of the faithful. It is an aroma strongly suggestive of the house of God, but the clergy are cautioned to use it sparingly. The excessive use of incense has compelled some worshipers to infrequent the Greek Orthodox service because they suffer from allergic reactions.

Respondents, however, leave no doubt that they consider incense vital to the fullness of spirituality in Orthodox worship. It is extraordinary, moreover, that this is one instance in divine worship about which immigrants and their first and second American generations agree completely (APPENDIX B, 223-226, A-D). Roman Catholics, in contrast, have lessened the use of incense to such instances as funerals, selected feast days, and special observances. According to Patrinacos,

As expected, incense in the Orthodox church has been interpreted in many ways. It seems that the most prevalent interpretation is that it represents the prayer of mind and heart and is directed to heaven in the words of the Psalmist: "let my prayer be counted as incense before Thee," (Ps 141).[11].

Concerning kneeling. The practice of kneeling, very much like the use of incense, is generally considered an indispensable act during worship at an appointed time. Only one person of ten who responded said that the act of kneeling is an individual decision. All other males and females, excepting about one in five who claimed no preference, unequivocally declared themselves in favor of kneeling.

Orthodox Christians, universally, consider the act of kneeling an act of reverence, humility, and total submission to the Lord in divine worship. Even when the decision to kneel or not to is left to the discretion of the worshiper, at least seven out of ten feel strongly inclined to kneel. They believe that kneeling represents a total submission to Christ. They have always knelt in church indicating their deep respect for God as well as thanksgiving for all that we have. They have been taught that kneeling is imperative during the Consecration which is the most sacred moment of the Divine Liturgy.

Kneeling, as well as numerous other different postures in Orthodox worship, is a means of indicating one's internal attitude at various times. According to White,

As the parts of the service vary, so does one's posture: sitting, kneeling, or standing. Of these three, standing seems to be the most expressive. It calls attention to one's respect for that which is greater than himself. In recent years, there has been a renewed emphasis on standing as the most appropriate posture for many types of prayer and reception of Communion. Kneeling, on the other hand, is a much more subjective posture, expres- sing humility.[12]

Nonetheless, since postures do signify our individual attitudes to what is going on and add another dimension to participation,[13] it is probably more discerning to leave the matter of kneeling to each worshiper's preference. It is a fair estimate that seven of ten will kneel anyway no matter what the quality or composition of the floor. In the final analysis, some caution is advised lest we make too much of the importance of postures.

Concerning acolytes. Immigrant males left not the slightest doubt that only boys belong in the altar. Among females, however, some room was provided for σoλέα girls as well as boy-and-girl acolytes serving together in divine worship. It may be that mothers are seeking to make available to their little daughters some measure of greater spiritual fulfillment they themselves feel they were denied in their childhood, a wound that never heals. Only with immigrants is there a significant effort to restrict girls from serving at the altar. Among all others, there appears a warm hope for their little girls to serve somehow in worship in the future.

The most heart-rending responses were in regard to boys and girls serving together in the sanctuary! Parents believe that boys and girls ought to serve together because there is no difference between them in worship before God. They feel further that women do as much for the church as men and should have the same rights as men. Rightly or wrongly, they feel that little girls tend to grow up with a negative self-concept as a result of limited worship opportunities in the Greek Orthodox religion.[14] They believe there ought not be a diminishing of personal worth in church because of sex.

Some men and women clearly do not feel girls are needed at the altar because females were never a part of Orthodox worship nor a part of the clergy community. After all, they acknowledge they have been conditioned their entire lives that only males enter the altar. Further, there is a fear among some males that suffering little girls to serve as acolytes within the sanctuary may ultimately lead to the ordination of women. Some males confess they

Many studies have documented the general acceptance by women of the stereotype of inferiority.[15] The need to feel acceptable before God equally, with the boys, is never satisfied. Some leave the church, if possible. Every priest knows of some. If they cannot leave, they may become disruptive or unproductive members. Every priest knows of some.

Little girls are puzzled and find it difficult to comprehend why they -- who are allowed on the σoλέα to receive Communion, receive antithoron, touch and kiss the hand of the priest, participate as flower-girls in wedding sacraments, hold candles while participating in baptism ceremonies (occasionally as co-sponsors, etc.) -- are forbidden on the σoλέα to hold candles and, for a few moments, stand before God committed to His service.

Concerning singing the response. All of the respondents, except two females, prefer to sing the responses in divine worship with the choir guiding the congregation. The minority view is that, with everyone singing, the environment is not as worshipful. They feel that singing is more orderly and more beautiful when the choir sings alone.

More than three quarters of St. Nicholas membership are formerly from Protestant or Roman Catholic churches where singing is traditional. They account for most of the singers at St. Nicholas. No one is in favor of having a chanter or for the congregation alone singing the responses. Males want to sing because it is better than sitting there doing nothing. One person came to Saint Nicholas because people were expressly forbidden to sing in his former church. In that church they felt that the choir ought not to be disturbed.

It is somewhat of a surprise that all males responded in favor of singing when, in reality, some have been observed not to be participating. The new female American generations want to participate in singing the worship responses because they feel that they are a part of what is happening. They resent being relegated to the role of observers (APPENDIX B, 246, D-5).

Participation in divine worship frequently satisfies the individual's need for recognition from God, from others in the family, the congregation, or the priest. But there is no greater punishment in church than to feel "ignored." If worshipers' needs are not satisfied, they are likely to terminate their membership and seek affiliation elsewhere. This is not an uncommon occurrence.

Concerning recitation of liturgical prayers. With a single exception, all respondents in this category favored the recitation of prayers being done together by priest and congregation. It seems that the first and second generation male Americans are the dividing line where custom and tradition may undergo changes in worship preferences that immigrants are not able as readily to achieve. St. Nicholas is a junction in the process of cultural transmission for the American generations immigrants fostered. First, second, third, and fourth generations who have been worshiping at St. Nicholas have developed a new religious culture during their lifetime.

When they pray together with the priest, they realize that the prayers are, indeed, intended for them personally. They also believe that they are participating in reciting meaningful prayers they might otherwise overlook. They do not hesitate to ask that if the prayers were not intended for all the people to say together, why then are they constructed in the plural? Furthermore, they have discovered experientially that only by reciting the prayers can a worshiper comprehend the full meaning and purpose of the Divine Liturgy. Finally, they have come to view the prayers of preparation as a predisposition to receive the Body of Christ "for the remission of sins and life everlasting" (Divine Liturgy). To this end, the prayers play an essential role.

For the male respondents in this category, recitation of liturgical prayers facilitates much-desired participation and involvement in divine worship. Recitation brings meaning and understanding, the result of which is a growing and enriching faith and a spiritual cleansing and catharsis. Immigrants do not witness to these kinds of liturgical experiences and benefits. The reasons may be multiple and complex. Perhaps their worship culture did not transmit to them the same kind and quality of spiritual breeding and maturation as that found at Saint Nicholas. When the priest is asked by the congregation to lead the people in prayer during divine worship, and he refuses, preferring to pray inaudibly with his back to the people, the purposes for which the clergy and the church exist must be subject to question.

Of the sixteen females who responded, two prefer that the priest alone recite the prayers audibly because the prayers sound more sacred and spiritual. When the people pray, it seems like a stampede to them. One person, however, steeped in Greek ethnic traditions, prefers that the priest recite inaudibly because she is convinced that those are prayers only the priest should say.

The remaining thirteen ladies prefer the inaudible prayers in the liturgy be recited by priest and congregation together because when the priest reads them alone, they have no meaning for them. They confess that they never looked at prayer books during the Divine Liturgy until they were directed by the priest to read them out loud (APPENDIX B, 254, D-5). They declare, their purpose for going to church is to pray together in the liturgy[16] and not simply to be observers or audiences. People want very much to know their prayers and make them part of themselves.

Concerning receiving Holy Communion. With the exception of one person of an ethnic marriage who receives Holy Communion one Sunday each month because he feels compelled to fast one whole week prior to receiving, all respondents receive Holy Communion whenever they go to church. When asked why he did not fast every week so he could accept the Lord's invitation to receive His Body, he stood as if stunned, in silence. The priest suggested that nothing should deter him from approaching the chalice in response to the Lord's invitation to come forth in faith and love. Sadly, that person has not been back to Saint Nicholas since that day.

The matter of fasting is of great significance to Orthodox Christians. Many have been taught during childhood that the practice of fasting prepares Christians to receive the Body of Christ worthily. Once or twice a year, therefore, during the Christmas and Easter lenten seasons, people endure a severe forty-day fast. They attempt the lenten fast and then come in droves for Communion, especially during passion week.

For many, these are the only occasions when they go to church during the year. They and their children are sadly uninformed about their faith. In reality, one can say, that people respond to the Lord's invitation to attend His Birthday and Resurrection celebrations.

Sunday sermons provide a regular opportunity for the priest to educate the greater part of the congregation concerning canon, doctrine, and dogma. Bible study, though, is somewhat like "saving the saved." Those who attend are usually the ones in our congregations who are more learned about faith and practice and can be counted, usually, on the fingers of both hands.

When people receive Holy Communion at Saint Nicholas, it appears that something spiritual takes place within them that brings them closer to the Lord. According to their frequent expressions, they feel cleansed, forgiven, and born anew. A few refuse to come forth for Holy Communion because they consider the λαβίς inappropriate. The most noticeable avoidance of Holy Communion occurred about the time when the dread AIDS disease was given preeminent attention in the media. Not many are willing to reveal their reasons for the sudden retreat from receiving Holy Communion. Nonetheless, some people not only avoid Holy Communion but attend church far less than before or not at all.

The reasons given for receiving Holy Communion regularly vary with each respondent. They gain even more significance due to the fact that Orthodox Christians are not accustomed to receiving Holy Communion more than four times a year. To receive Communion each Sunday is an uncommon practice in Orthodoxy that has drawn the disdain of some in the area who refer scornfully to Saint Nicholas as the church where "everybody receives Communion each Sunday." But there can be no greater laudatory commentary about Communion than the attestations of the communicants themselves. Some say they acquire a good feeling that seems to bring them closer to Christ from whom they gain strength that helps them go on in life. Others say they have developed the custom of frequency at Saint Nicholas which brings from the priest the assurance of forgiveness of sins and of life eternal. Some regard the reception of Communion as an act of obedience to the Lord's command issued on the night of the Last Supper (APPENDIX B, 261, E-1). And there are those who feel incomplete throughout the following week if they do not come to church on the previous Sunday.

One question that keeps gnawing at some priests' heartstrings is wondering what is genuinely meant when individuals say, "I am prepared to receive Communion," or, "I am not prepared to receive Communion." The priest ponders, "Can a person truly make himself worthy to receive the Body of Christ?"

Concerning the frequency of Communion, Patrinacos states, that from early Christianity, especially during the first three centuries, all who attended the celebration of the Eucharist received Communion. As an expiatory sacrifice, and as a supreme act of remembrance of the Lord, the Liturgy would remain unfulfilled unless and until the people became one with Christ by "eating His flesh and drinking His blood." Those who considered themselves unworthy, the unbaptized or those doing penance, etc., left before the Liturgy of the Faithful began.[17] Since the worthiness of the believer was stressed as the indispensable prerequisite to "receiving," concentration on the unworthiness of the believers resulted in placing the sacramental Lord at a considerable distance.

Saint Paul himself said "Whoever eats the bread or drinks the cup of the Lord in an unworthy manner will be guilty of profaning the Body and Blood of the Lord . . . for anyone who eats and drinks without discerning the Body of the Lord eats and drinks judgment upon himself" (I Corinthians 2:27).[18]

The εικovoστάσιov, itself, is an outgrowth of a sacramental curtain that was drawn between the people and the altar stressing the mystery and awe surrounding the sacramental Christ. The deep realization of unworthiness resulted in the bizarre situation in which people attend the Eucharist without receiving Communion.[19]

In the West, the Lateran Council of 1215 decreed that once a year, during Easter, Communion would be required as an absolute minimum practice. The norm in recent times has evolved to four times annually in most Christian Churches.[20]

At Saint Nicholas, the teaching is that the Lord Himself commanded, during His Last Supper, that believers receive His Body and Blood in remembrance of Him. All who are present on Sundays and weekdays receive Communion. Many have said that by participating fully in the Divine Liturgy, they feel compelled and drawn inexorably when the Chalice appears at the Imperial Gate and the invitation is extended to everyone to come forth in awe, in faith, and in love. It is readily believed at Saint Nicholas that many who come to church on Sunday do not intend to receive Communion because of a sense of "unworthiness" they bring with them. The penitent believes further, without mental reservation whatsoever, that the Lord Himself calls him to come forth and receive Him in the form of consecrated bread and wine. During the preceding moments in the Divine Liturgy, the penitent is assured that the Lord ascribes higher regard upon the penitent's desire for change than upon his sinfulness. Penitents know that in and of themselves they would probably never receive the Body and Blood of Christ unless the Lord Himself prepares them and "makes them worthy blamelessly to partake of His immaculate Body and precious Blood unto remission of sins and life everlasting" (Prayer of Preparation for Holy Communion in the Divine Liturgy).

In its extension, the Eucharist is the unparalleled, incomparable, most excellent and propitious setting, milieu, and realm for "preparation to become worthy" through complete atonement of the heart and soul of the believer.

Concerning the distribution of Holy Communion. Surprisingly, Holy Communion dispensed with the λαβίς is preferred almost unanimously (See foregoing statistics). We had expected that most people would prefer another method of dispensing Holy Communion than the λαβίς. We felt certain that non-Greeks would prefer intinction or any other method that may have been utilized in their former church affiliation. Ethnicity has absolutely no bearing on the congregational preference as a whole.

In the early eighties, the infant years of Saint Nicholas, we instructed people simply to open their mouths and tilt back their heads a little. Using the λαβίς, we would place Holy Communion in their mouths. We stressed that it was not necessary for them to grip the λαβίς with their teeth and lips as was sometimes the case with some who approached with fervor. From the pulpit, we told people that the Communion experience was not intended to be a tug-of-war with the priest. It seems we impressed our congregations more than we knew because, as the figures reveal, the percentages of men and women in the first and second generations preferring the λαβίς method are one hundred and ninety-four respectively.

Many people spoke of their reluctance to receive Communion by receiving into their mouths the λαβίς that has already been in and out of so many other mouths. Some of the mouths into which the λαβίς had entered appear to them to be less than attractive. Some of the words used to describe these feelings are "nauseating," "disgusting," "offensive," "repulsive," "sickening," ad infinitum. This researcher has carried these notions with him throughout his forty-eight years of priesthood. Some priests foster the hope that one day a more acceptable and suitable method for dispensing Holy Communion would dislodge the present.

When the dread AIDS disease suddenly and violently vaulted upon the world scene, church hierarchy and clergy everywhere convened councils to examine alternative ways of dispensing Holy Communion. This writer attended one such diocesan council which ended with no resolution. Nor did a second conference ever convene. The thought that permeated the atmosphere, clearly, throughout the conference was that a diminished faith would ultimately result from any activity designed to protect the penitents from diseases that may be spread by the λαβίς as it goes from mouth to mouth.

In the Great Lent of 1987, an experiment was conducted at Saint Nicholas. The announcement was made that for the next two months, of the two priests dispensing Holy Communion, one would distribute Holy Communion in the traditional λαβίς way while the other would dispense by intinction. The priest would take with his fingers a portion of the consecrated bread, (body of Christ), dip it into the consecrated wine, (blood of Christ), and place it in the open mouth of the penitent. We surmised that because so many of worshipers come to Orthodoxy from Roman Catholicism and Protestantism through inter-church marriages or transposition, they would prefer that Holy Communion be distributed by intinction which is the method utilized by so many other Christian churches.

On the first Sunday, about ten persons came to receive Holy Communion by intinction while everyone else went the usual λαβίς route. On the second Sunday the number was four; on the third Sunday the number was two; on the fourth and the rest of the Sundays there were none. The experiment ended with a variety of notions why people did not choose the way of intinction, but in hindsight all were less than accurate. We brushed off the unexpected result saying simply that people did not wish to be exposed as being opposed to the traditional procedures. Nonetheless, an intriguing question persisted: "Why would former Protestants and Roman Catholics prefer a method of distribution of Holy Communion much different from the one to which they were accustomed during most of their lives?"

The AIDS disease presented our people as having far more faith than we gave them credit for. It probably would not be too hamartic to say that people probably have more faith than we the clergy. For the clergy to suspect that people would abandon Holy Communion may well have been a projection of their own fears and diminishing faith than that of the people.

Perhaps an example set by the clergy at Saint Nicholas may make more of a positive impact on the souls of our people than is expected. When the last person receives Holy Communion, the priests consume the remainder in full view while the congregation and choir sing the post Communion hymns.[21] Many believe that priests exceed the average length of life of their parishioners which in itself may sufficiently inhibit any tendency to modify the λαβίς method of dispensing Communion.

First and second generation American-born descendants of immigrants participating in this survey indicate much concern about the likelihood of survival of the Greek Orthodox church in the twenty-first century. The American generations spawned by their immigrant predecessors, continue to experience serious difficulties in their struggle to worship meaningfully in the Greek Orthodox Church. They are troubled by a liturgical language they do not understand and a clergy at all levels that seems indifferent to their yearning to amalgamate themselves and their inter-church families into Orthodox life and fellowship. They stand in the peripheries feeling more unwanted than belonging. Many of them leave and take their Orthodox spouses and children with them and make other religious connections. In contrast to immigrant men and women, the offspring of the first and second generation, both men and women, have college degrees and pursue broadly diversified careers. The professional education of many clergy too has risen to meet the soaring expectations of American Orthodox communicants.

Table 2 interprets responses as indicating a preference for no change/change/no preference in each of the areas surveyed.

TABLE 2.--RESPONSES BY FIRST AND SECOND GENERATION AMERICAN DESCENDANTS INDICATING NO-CHANGE AND CHANGE PREFERENCES. (Totals: 12 Males, 18 Females, 300 Responses)

The break from tradition in worship practices began with the immigrants themselves with wives leading the way for first and second generations to follow with greater impetus. The first column indicates the number of males and females who desired no change in traditional worship practices. The second column indicates the number of those desiring change in certain areas of traditional worship. The third column indicates the number who have no preference. The percentage figures then indicate to what extent overall change is endorsed.

From a total of thirty men and women of the first and second generation each of whom gave ten responses, three hundred responses are recorded here. From this formula, the totals and percentage figures in Table 2 are computed.

The figures in Table 2 are reversed when compared to responses of immigrants in Table 1. Almost unanimously, in this category, both men and women desire change in some aspects that are viable and permissible and some that are not feasible. And this provides further opportunity for study and education. The preferred changes in worship involve aspects of greater participation. They give the people a more active role in worship rather than relegating them to that of spectator or onlooker.

The incentive for these kinds of changes at Saint Nicholas originates with people who come from Protestantism and Roman Catholicism who have embraced the Orthodox faith and comprise the greater part of the congregations. They loathe standing there doing nothing. With matins and two Divine Liturgies on Sundays at Saint Nicholas, the English liturgy is well attended while in the Greek liturgy, attendance is much less.

It is extraordinary that Holy Communion with the λαβίς was not one of desired changes since all other preferred changes parallel former worship practices of the believers. None of our congregation who came from other churches received Communion from a spoon formerly. And yet, having experienced this method of distribution of Holy Communion, the congregations unanimously declare it as their preference.

Notwithstanding the many expressions for some modification of worship practices, there is in no way a diminishing of dogma, essence, and ultimate purpose for which the faithful attend the celebration of the Holy Eucharist. To enhance learning, the Telecommunications Department of the Greek Archdiocese is distributing a series of catechetical video tapes concerning the History of the Orthodox Faith and the Sacraments of the church. It would appear that Orthodoxy is reaching out to all nations, or, that the nations are discovering Orthodoxy, or both.1