Chapter 4

CHAPTER 4

AMERICAN-BORN THIRD AND FOURTH GENERATION

DESCENDANTS OF IMMIGRANTS, AND THEIR

DIVINE WORSHIP PREFERENCES

Twenty respondents, eight male and twelve female, of American-born third and fourth generation descendants of immigrants provided two hundred responses to the inquiries in the questionnaire. (See Biographical and Divine Worship Preferences Data, pp. 122-125).

Narrative Comment

Age, marital status, and birthplace. All the males and ten of twelve women who responded in this category have inter-church marriages whose spouses have embraced the Orthodox faith. All are Americans and average thirty-years of age. They are representative of the families that comprise the Saint Nicholas parish.

Education. Men and women of third and fourth generation Americans of Greek origin and their spouses have the highest level of education among the respondents. Again the trend shows men pursuing higher graduate degrees than women. Εighty‑seven percent earned degrees beyond a high school diploma. Fifty-eight percent of the women in this category earned degrees beyond high school. None of the respondents is without a high school diploma. Though some are drawn to Saint Nicholas by the spirituality of the atmosphere, decor, worship, and homilies many value the intellectual quality of worship.

This kind of congregation seems also to be oblivious to the fact that the place of worship originally was built as a bowling alley. It was modified to serve as an all-purpose facility until the funds become available to erect a traditional church building in which to worship exclusively. That Saint Nicholas is an all-purpose facility has not seemed to deter the growth and further development of the parish although it has to some degree slowed its progress.

Occupation. All are in business other than restaurants as were some of their predecessors. Some are in the military service and the professions while others are in education and two are clergy. Half of the women are in education, but a mere eight percent are homemakers.

A highly educated constituency brings with it some difficulties in carrying out some of the traditional forms and activities identified with parishes. Few ladies are available during the working hours to bake for bake sales, to organize and prepare for affairs such as dinners, outdoor functions, door to door ticket sales. The ability to visit hospitals and attend weekday church services also suffers. The few homemakers do rightly feel put upon since they are the very few available during the hours that all others are at work.

It is a matter of local determination whether the scarcity of persons available to work on church projects during daytime hours is a blessing or a curse. Saint Nicholas does not organize festivals or large functions to "bring people together." Therefore, it is known throughout the community, that people go there only to worship. People come to worship Jesus Christ.

Parents' birthplace and occupation. All respondents in this category are natives of America. Sixty percent of their mothers are homemakers, 20 percent are employed, and 10 percent is either in the military service or in education. Fathers are evenly distributed among a variety of endeavors for their living. The restaurant is no longer the hallmark of business enterprise for Greeks of third and fourth generations, the former enterprises having been replaced by the professions, education, research and public enterprise. Mothers of these respondents are retired and living comfortably as homemakers. This suggests affluence in the extended families by the time the third and fourth generations come upon the scene and assume leadership roles in their families.

Parents' religious affiliation. Since the greater part of Saint Nicholas constituency is non-Greek, congregations are comprised largely of persons whose parents emanate from Roman Catholic and Protestant denominations. Half of the parents come from Protestant background, 30 percent from Roman Catholic and 20 percent from Greek Orthodox origins as the statistics indicate.

The twenty respondents of American-born third and fourth generation descendants of immigrants, provided frank responses to the inquiries in the questionnaire.

Concerning the liturgical language. The interviewers were surprised that 25 percent of the male respondents had no preference of language in divine worship. They reasoned that the liturgy should be in the language of the congregation or in the sacred language they are accustomed to since blessings can be received in any language. The major part of respondents, however, preferred the English language because it is the only language they and their children understand. We rather expected that all of the third and fourth generation American descendants would demand English as essential to meaningful worship.

Since our parish was established in 1981, I had not suspected that "either language" would be acceptable in worship by many third and fourth generation Americans. Perhaps we ought to have surmised this to be the case since

routinely a third of the first liturgy attendants at 8:30 a.m. on Sundays, which is in Greek, are from this category. We were under the impression that they attend the Greek liturgy only because of the early hour but, in reality, prefer the English language. We know now that this is not the case. We worry thinking the non-Greeks are not happy that we do not accommodate them somewhat with a smattering of English in the Greek liturgy. We further believe that multiple languages confuse and interrupt meditation and worship.

Women in these generations are evenly divided in preference between the use of English and a mixture of Greek and English. They reason that they feel obligated to perpetuate their heritage in worship and that there is a real beauty in putting the Greek words into religious music even though they do not understand the language. They feel there is something very appropriate for the Κύριε ελέησov (Kyrie εleison) being sung in the English liturgy. They also reason that the mixture of Greek and English meets the needs of many people.

There is a strong conviction among the clergy and lay leaders at Saint Nicholas that the language needs of all should be readily accommodated. It is precisely for this reason that two liturgies are offered each Sunday. We offer one liturgy solely in Greek and the other solely in English. In each liturgy a sermon is preached in its liturgical language. We have discovered that as long as the worshipers are given a choice of attending the liturgy of their linguistic preference, there will be peace about these issues in the parish. To do otherwise is to invite disaster in the community.

Concerning the εικovoστάσιov. All respondents prefer the see-through open εικovoστάσιov as it is at Saint Nicholas. Men reason that the priest should not be separated from the people nor that icons positioned upon the εικovoστάσιov should block full view of the sanctuary. Women agree and add that reverencing and exalting Almighty God can best be done nearer to God than from a distance. They question the closed εικovoστάσιov saying that God does not want what is going on known only to the priest (APPENDIX B, 213, F-3).

Concerning the priest's position. It is undeniably true that in diaspora, ethnic and religious traditions are exposed to other traditions, and occasionally changes are attempted.

Two respondents have no particular preference about where the priest locates himself during the liturgy. Three fourths, however, of the men and all of the women prefer that the priest face the people. They contend they should be able to see the priest breaking the bread during the consecration which they feel is the most significant moment of the liturgy.

Women believe that people should be a part of what is happening, and when the priest is facing the people he is, in fact, communicating that message. Converts declare that their interest and desire to view the happenings at the

Orthodox altar are far greater than when they worshiped in the churches of their youth.

For a period of time the priests stood on the far side of the altar at St. Nicholas for educational purposes and to encourage greater participation on the part of the people. Ultimately, the negative outcomes far outweighed the benefits. Hence, the Bishop was advised of the practice and the experiment ended. This is not a recommended endeavor.

Concerning the use of incense. A few words of caution are voiced about the use of incense although the exceptions are few. Most people accept the use of incense as a vital part of the service. Even the newcomers to Orthodoxy for whom incense is something novel agree that its significance and symbolism are important reminders that people should be lifting themselves up to God. They concede that incense lends an atmosphere of solemnitude and mysticism that suggests the Presence.

One out of four, however, cautioned that incense bothered their sinuses and contact lenses. That confession led to immediate modified use of incense with more positive commentary from the people.

Women were more enthusiastic in their responses about incense with the loudest comment coming from a lady who never saw any great significance in its use. One opposes its use because it bothers her son's allergies and compels him to limit his altar boy duties sometimes to less than half the duration of the liturgy. At least half of the women of the parish were in favor of the use of incense because it smells good so as to cause the church to smell more sacred. Incense adds to the awareness that they are in God's house where it further adds to the sanctity of worship.

The notion prevails, however, that the priest can feel the pulse of the people and regulate the use of incense accordingly. In the Tidewater Area, especially, people have been and can be seriously affected by the use of incense because of allergies in addition to other physical vulnerabilities (APPENDIX B, 227, E-4). At Saint Nicholas, the use of incense is limited to one kernel twice during the liturgy of the word and to none during the liturgy of the faithful though the censer is still utilized. Acolytes have difficulty moderating the use of incense at times and proceed to "load the censer as if stoking a furnace" (words of a senior parishioner). Nonetheless, incense is used moderately and less frequently at Saint Nicholas.

Concerning the practice of kneeling. In order to kneel at Saint Nicholas, one must kneel on the carpeted concrete floor, a very strenuous exercise for young or old. Worshipers have been advised many times to forego kneeling but to no avail.

The primitive church introduced kneeling very early in its worship although there were no definite rules regulating the practice. The fact that the nave of the early Orthodox church had no seats for the worshipers well into the twentieth century in America, indicates that worshipers were at freedom to pray standing or kneeling at moments of their choice besides those prescribed by the ceremony itself.[1]

Some priests prefer that the worshiper bow his head rather than kneel. This viewpoint originates in the early centuries when Sunday, the day of the Lord's resurrection, came to be considered a day of paramount joy in which kneeling was considered inappropriate. From a decision of the First Ecumenical Council, 325 A.D., the twentieth canon states that prayers on Sundays should be offered standing up.[2] St. John Chrysostom says, "To stand up is for the celebrant a sign of ministering to God."[3] Since the turn of this century, however, prelates and priests kneel when they pray during the Consecration when, as a consequence, worshipers kneel also.

At Saint Nicholas the men consider the Consecration the most reverent moment and they show due respect for it by falling on their knees. While men primarily show their respect for the mysterion (μυστήριov) in kneeling, the women consider it an act of humility and reverence. They would not feel right standing in the presence of the Holy Spirit in the most sacred of moments during the Divine Liturgy.

It is not excessive to say that the atmosphere at Saint Nicholas during these moments is, indeed, responsive to the Divine Presence as the bread and wine are transformed into Body and Blood by the Holy Spirit. In kneeling in silent reverence and humility, the worshipers signify insight into God and what they consider an appropriate response.

Of the twenty respondents of the third and fourth American generations, only one female explained that physical ailments compelled her to abandon the practice of kneeling. Overwhelmingly, the respondents indicated they would not feel right standing during the most holy moments of the service.

Concerning acolytes. Our survey clearly indicates that as the generations pass, the Greek male gender is less begrudging in providing opportunity to females to be included actively in administration and in worship. There is, therefore, some evidence that the increasing women's

role in all facets of American culture is taking its toll on the legacy of male exclusivity in Greek community life.

Three and four generations into American diaspora has produced Orthodox worshipers who are more inclined to involve both sexes in active-service roles around the altar. For centuries there has been, and will likely continue to be, strong opposition to female participation at the altar table.

Males who felt girls should be denied the same privilege as boys did so by saying they preferred boys only in the altar because girls don't belong up there according to the custom in the Orthodox faith. Females who ruled the little girls out said that girls should be kept out of the sanctuary because that's the way they've been raised. Cultural continuity is deeply rooted in third and fourth generation American descendants even at Saint Nicholas where ninety percent of the constituency is American born or non-Greek.

A large number of women also prefer that boys and girls should serve together in the sanctuary because they believe this to be an equality issue, and everyone should equally participate. Another respondent felt that boys are needed to assist the priest in the altar and the girls can serve on the solea instead, thus enabling them to participate in those duties.

A devout convert, who is a mother now, is afraid her daughter may grow up thinking she is worth less in God's sight because, being a girl, she is barred from the altar.

A trial period of situating little girls upon the solea, vested appropriately and carrying wooden crosses and candles was conducted on the first Sunday of each month for a few months. They stood with the little boys who exited the sanctuary during the small and great entrances. The little girls were awestruck by this nearness to the Holy of Holies, but the long period of standing inactively made the practice impractical. In addition, their presence tended to distract worshipers and offend others who were not in favor

of the practice. The endeavor was terminated by order of our Bishop, and we wholeheartedly complied.

In response to these continuing spiritual and worship needs at Saint Nicholas and to imbed the name and word of the Lord Jesus Christ deeply in the hearts and minds of little children, boys are taken into the altar at five years of age and little girls are taken into the church choir as soon as they are able to sing, usually between six to ten years of age. The choir is located up front adjacent to the Sanctuary in full view of everyone. The result is immensely gratifying.

Concerning singing the response. The trend is established at Saint Nicholas that congregations sing the responses along with the choir. Of all the respondents, only one stated she had no preference. All others in this category, without hesitation, made comments in support of congregational singing. Their reasoning indicates they believe people must be fully participatory if they are to learn the words and their significance.

Many added parenthetically that the kind of enormous effort and expense that goes into choirs ought not be a priority. A modest choir is all that is needed to lead the people without drowning them out and consigning them to a lesser role in divine worship. A stability in worship is provided by the choir by involving the whole congregation.

The women concur, but in addition to the encouragement it provides for people to involve themselves in singing, the need for a chanter is waning. Women are adamant about their disaffection with the role of the chanter because there seems to be no meaning for them and their children to his words and sounds while the congregation is relegated to the role of indifferent bystander.

Early in the worship life at Saint Nicholas, a congregational director was used to lead the singing. But in doing this, people watched the director for cues which seemed to divert their attention from the liturgy. With the choir leading, however, they could hear the choir and follow their lead without suffering distraction away from the altar and the sanctity of what was happening there (APPENDIX B, 249, F-11).

Preference for the choir's leadership is virtually unanimous although the people are confident they are able to worship and sing as a congregation in the absence of the choir if need be. On occasion, in the absence of a choir, it may be fitting to recite the liturgy responsively and to confine the singing to brief short hymns well known by young and old. The absence of the choir, however, may be occasioned by the inability of the director or organist to be present. Such circumstances provide valuable opportunity for the rest of the members of the choir, scattered throughout the congregation, to be heard and to encourage those nearby to learn and to become more competent in active worship participation.

Concerning the recitation of liturgical prayers. Almost all respondents, with one exception, favored the recitation of liturgical prayers by priest and congregation together. The men reasoned that reading the prayers leads to greater understanding that enables the worshiper to be involved in the spirit of the service. According to Patrinacos,

One of the most serious reasons most often preventing the Eucharist from having the impact that it should, is the fact that the people are hardly in a position to

truly participate in liturgy simply because they do not understand what is going on.[4]

The lack of understanding does not refer to the theological ramifications of the liturgy, for which people certainly need expert help, but relates entirely to the structural unfolding of the liturgy and, specifically, to what people hear and what they hear not. And the things they do not hear constitute the essence and the heart of the liturgy, the part that makes the liturgy a Eucharist and distinguishes it from a gathering of common prayer.[5]

Patrinacos concludes that the non-theologian worshiper cannot be expected to experience the state of personality the Eucharist intends if he cannot enter into full comprehension of that which is said and done on his behalf. The worshiper would have great difficulty effectively reading the inaudible prayers in time to hear[6] the pronouncements by the priest which are actually the final one or two sentences of the inaudible prayers.[7]

Women respondents felt that people should be consciously aware of that in which they were participating. They fail to see the point in going to church if they are not to participate. Praying helps them open their hearts better to the Lord. Another stated that she was accustomed

to praying together with priest and people from her youth (APPENDIX B, 256, F-7).

Respondents further elaborated that prayers must be utilized or they will be wasted, ignored, lost. They are aware that there is a deeper understanding as a result of praying and that people need to pray just as the priest needs to.

Patrinacos observes that no training aimed at familiarizing the believer with a religious experience in church can prove as productive and effective as (1) the opportunity for participation in the very process of worshipful prayer, and (2) the feeling that by the power of his own soul, he is drawing himself closer to Jesus Christ. The more people are permitted to raise their voice to God in worship the closer they feel to Him. Stylianopoulos comments,

The Liturgy is in the form of a dialogue between the priest who often invites us "Let us pray to the Lord", and the congregation which responds continuously "Lord, have mercy." Almost all liturgical petitions, hymns, and prayers are offered in the first person plural. This means that all worshipers, both priest and congregation, are addressing God. They are engaged in a greater dialogue of prayer with God, offering the Liturgy to Him in common.[8]

Concerning receiving Holy Communion. Many people hold on tenaciously to their customary practices concerning the receipt of Holy Communion. Ten or more years of environmental pressures to do otherwise may nudge a person toward assimilation. From the first centuries of the Christian liturgical experience

All the believers who attended the liturgy received Communion since it was rightly understood and widely taught that the purpose of the liturgy, as an expiatory sacrifice, would not be brought to its spiritual fruition without the believers communicating the Body and Blood of Christ.[9]

Unfortunately, by the end of the fourth and fifth centuries, people were reluctant to approach the chalice as often because their unworthiness to receive Holy Communion was underscored more than the need for redemption.[10] This, of course, is in direct opposition to our Lord's teaching ministry that reveals He placed far less importance on the penitent's sinfulness than upon his desire to change.

Usually, people who enter Saint Nicholas to worship and are not accustomed to frequent Communion,[11] find themselves approaching the chalice more often. In recent months, however, not all people come forth to receive Holy Communion. The most noticeable avoidance of Communion happened about the time when the dread disease AIDS was given prominence in the media. And, although not everyone is willing to reveal his reasons for sudden withdrawal from the practice of receiving Communion, nonetheless it seems to be more than a mere coincidence that a few people not only avoid Communion but attend church far less than before.

Notwithstanding the fears engendered by the continuous publicity surrounding activity in behalf of AIDS, third and fourth generation male and female respondents are almost unanimous in reporting that they receive Communion whenever they go to church. Their reasoning for doing so may be a confirmation of their spiritual development and growth. They believe the Lord has instructed them to do this in remembrance of Him; they want to take advantage of every opportunity to again make themselves whole through joining with Christ; Communion makes them feel they have received the body and blood of Christ; receiving the body and blood regularly is to continually reaffirm His presence in their lives; that is the reason for attending the liturgy and they cannot imagine not approaching the chalice. Schmemann seems to reflect sadly,

Let us note that Christ commanded us precisely to taste the gifts saying, "Take, eat . . . drink of it all of you . . . ," and let us also note that the question of noncommunicants relates, in fact, to the huge majority of the Church, and not to certain exceptional cases. Alas, in this doctrine, the exceptions are the communicants. What has happened? How was this metamorphosis in the perception -- not only on the part of the people of the Church but also on the part of the

episcopate, the clergy and finally, the theologians -- been maintained for centuries?[12]

Concerning the method of distributing Holy Communion. It was not a surprise that two respondents preferred to use their own fingers to dip the bread into the blood of Christ because this method was the practice in their former church. Two others had no preference. Four out of five, therefore, prefer receiving Communion from the λαβίς.

Both male and female strongly approved the traditional manner with the λαβίς reasoning that this is the way they have communed since childhood and it suits them well. They add that they consider it the most reverent way, having done it this way all their life, and the most practical method of administering Communion.

The preferred method of receiving Communion is fixed. They are of the opinion that since the lines for Communion are long, utilizing the λαβίς is the speediest vehicle for dispensing Communion.

Those who fear contamination through Communion are at a minimum. Unfortunately, their church attendance becomes increasingly infrequent. Although we are amenable to providing Communion in any manner they wish, they prefer the traditional manner of distribution.

Much to our surprise, the matter of dispensing Holy Communion does not appear to be the serious problem we had

expected to find in the survey. We assumed that because so many of our worshipers come to Orthodoxy from Roman Catholicism and Protestant denominations through inter-church marriages or conversion, they would prefer that Holy Communion be distributed by the intinction method. Instead the λαβίς method is preferred without reservation. (See page 92, The Great Lent of 1987).

What this present project has done, in effect, is to verify those findings of five years ago. We believe, without reservation, that dispensing Holy Communion via the λαβίς method is preferred not only by immigrants but also by their American generations and others who worship with them in the Orthodox liturgy.

The procedure is quite simple: The priest takes Communion from the chalice with the λαβίς. The communicant tilts his/her head back slightly with mouth open. The λαβίς is held at the entrance to the mouth, tipped inwardly, and the Communion falls in. The whole procedure takes less than five seconds, is practical and speedy.

Third and fourth generation Americans are, in fact, generations of the American West. The highest level of education in the Greek Orthodox community is found among the men and women of third and fourth generation Americans of Greek origin and their spouses. Men pursue higher graduate degrees than women although none of the respondents are without a high school diploma. The restaurant business no longer attracts the men who are now engaged in the professions, education, government, research, industry, and other public enterprises. All respondents are American born. The greater part of Saint Nicholas constituency is non-Greek emanating from Roman Catholic and Protestant denominations wherein English is the language of worship. The multiple cultural and religious backgrounds are accommodated with multiple divine services.

Some church decor modifications enable the people to view the happenings at the altar. They want to view the Consecration. They prefer that the priest face the congregation but are aware that such a drastic change probably will not occur in this century, if ever. The use of incense and practice of kneeling are fully accepted and satisfying to young and old. More than half of the respondents favor girl and boy acolytes serving together at the altar although it is quite doubtful that such an extreme change could occur in the foreseeable future.

The congregation sings along with the choir during worship. Priests recite the liturgical prayers to be heard by everyone, and people can be heard to whisper them also because they desire to participate.

Almost all receive Communion whenever they attend church. The AIDS fear has distanced a few from the chalice. Some return periodically; some do not. With one exception, respondents prefer the λαβίς from which to receive Holy Communion.

Soon after some people come to Saint Nicholas from other religious practices, they readily express their preference for some modification of Orthodox worship practices. Their preferences usually are those they have grown accustomed to in the former church in which they worshiped.

TABLE 3.--RESPONSES BY THIRD AND FOURTH GENERATION AMERICAN DESCENDANTS INDICATING NO-CHANGE AND CHANGE PREFERENCES (Totals: 8 Males, 12 Females, 200 Responses)

As an outcome of this project, it seems quite needful that a "Welcome to Orthodoxy" handbook be issued to each person upon embracing the Orthodox faith containing vital explanations.

Table 3 interprets responses as indicating a preference for no change/change/no preference in each of the areas surveyed. The first column indicates the number of

worship practices. The second column indicates the number of those desiring change in certain areas of traditional worship. The third column indicates the number who have no preference. The percentages indicate overall effect.

The figures show there are some things the congregation is perfectly comfortable with which include the use of incense, the practice of kneeling, and the reception of Holy Communion from the λαβίς. Seventy-two percent, however, expressed a desire for some changes in many other aspects of worship which are all permissible except for the location of the priest and the use of little girls as Solea acolytes. We have learned that little girls can make a much greater contribution to the worship hour by their participation in the choir than by joining the altar boys at the solea during the two entrances -- in the present age.

The priest will continue to have a unique part to play in the Holy Eucharist, but more and more both theology and history show clearly that it is a celebration by the whole Christian community. The people desire full, active, intelligent participation in the celebration. When one examines how the Divine Liturgy is being celebrated, one may come to the conclusion that the Eucharist is considered exclusively a clerical activity performed by priests and trained assistants alone:

The liturgy had been regarded in early days as something we all do together because that was the way it had come into being, and that was the way it was done. Gradually during the ninth and subsequent centuries it came to be

regarded as something done by clerics and watched by the people because that was the way it had come to be done.[13]

It may be that worshipers in the twentieth century are seeking to restore that which may have been altered by their predecessors. Time may indeed certify that what appears in our day as innovative, is indeed, the precursor to a spiritual and liturgical rekindling.

Fathers: Less than high school (20%) High school (50%) Bachelor's (25%) Terminal (5%)