Chapter 6

CHAPTER 6

AMERICAN-BORN HIGH SCHOOL CHILDREN,

DESCENDANTS OF IMMIGRANTS, AND THEIR

DIVINE WORSHIP PREFERENCES

Twelve high school children, six male and six female, American-born descendants of Greek immigrants, provided one hundred and twenty responses to the inquiries in the questionnaire, in addition to some pertinent biographical data (See Biographical and Divine Worship Preferences Data, 166-168). The responses are examined in considerable detail in the narratives that follow.

Narrative Comment

Twelve high school children, six male and six female rounded out our respondents' groups. The average age was slightly over fifteen and one-half years. The girls averaged about one month over the boys. One-third of our volunteers came from Greek parentage, and the other two-thirds came from inter-church marriages. They are all American born. Half of them are in the ninth grade, one in the tenth, two in the eleventh and three in the twelfth. Their parents were all born in the United States. Almost one-third of the mothers are homemakers while the fathers' wage earning is spread over business, education, general employment, and about one-fourth in the professions. Parents' education, however, is noteworthy. One-third have high school diplomas; more than one-third have bachelor's degrees; more than one-fifth have master's degrees; and, about one in twelve, hold terminal degrees. This makes for a highly educated congregation. The preachers at Saint Nicholas are fully aware of the level of intellectually developed listeners who are included in the congregation. They prepare and know their material well, but knowing material well is quite different from being able to present it clearly. They make every effort to explain ideas and the connections between them in ways that make eminently good sense to the finely honed intellectuals.

All parents are Greek Orthodox but may, nevertheless, have devoted very little time to Orthodox catechetical instruction, especially in Orthodox doctrine. The congregations at Saint Nicholas look forward to the sermon as a time of learning, Orthodox theology, spiritual nourishment and increased intimacy with the Lord Jesus.

The twelve grammar school children interviewed, provided one hundred and twenty responses to the inquiries in the questionnaire. Their responses were spontaneous,

unequivocating, totally candid, and are examined in detail in the narratives that follow.

Concerning the language. The choice of language on the part of high school males is motivated in part by a sensitivity to the needs of their elders. Their comments indicate that for those who speak only one language, other than the one that may be utilized in worship, both languages ought to be used. They consider it terribly unfair for people to feel cheated in church. One respondent, however, prefers to hear the Greek language in worship.

The English language is preferred by almost two-thirds of respondents because it is easier for them to understand. They can follow it better, they can understand it, and they can participate more readily in their native language. A closing remark for many of them is that English is the only language they know and understand. If it is intended for them to understand, then their mother language is the means to that end.

Some declare that everyone should leave church satisfied, on Sunday especially. The high schoolers impressed the interviewers with their concern for those who may derive less satisfaction from divine worship because of the language. This sensitivity may have derived from their own experiential learning.

Early in their childhood, they became aware that they were in attendance where something was taking place they were not able to understand. When asked in the interview discussions if they could recall their feelings in those times, the predominant response was they were not anxious to go to church. They surmise that their considerate attitude for the needs of others is an outgrowth of their early childhood worship experiences which seem, in retrospect, to have been less than good (APPENDIX B, 207, I-1).

Concerning the εικovoστάσιov. Boys and girls of high school age prefer the opportunity to view the sanctuary. The see-through εικovoστάσιov enables them to do so. They are curious to see what the priest is doing. They want to see the whole service and not just a part of it. Especially, they are interested in witnessing the Consecration. They consider that this is the most important part of the Eucharist, and they feel it is wrong to deny them the opportunity to view it happening.

The young people feel strongly about the see-through screen and are convinced it can constitute the difference between being and not being in church. When they can see what is happening and can participate also, then there is meaning to worship, but if they are cut off from the liturgical events and not permitted to see, they feel that their presence at formal worship is aimless (APPENDIX B,

In the discussions that continued after the interviews, the young people indicated that they fully sympathize with their immigrant great-grandparents for wanting their traditional icon screens. They clearly understand why their immigrant great-grandparents insist on duplicating their hometown inner and external traditional church decor. They understand because they, too, during the past eleven years, have acquired their own traditional decor preferences.

They have grown up with the see-through screen, and they too, like their aged predecessors, will strongly resist any attempt to modify it in any way.

Concerning the priest. The middle and late teenagers, with one exception who has no preference, want to be able to see the actual Consecration as it takes place. They want the preparation of Holy Communion and everything the priest says and does during that most important time in the liturgy to be exposed to them. They maintain that it can be accomplished more efficiently when the priest faces the people.

The same person, however, who preferred the Greek language in worship, did not consider this factor a very significant one. It did not matter to him whether the priest faced the people or not. The liturgy would not be affected basically in any way (APPENDIX B, 222, I-3).

Concerning the use of incense. Most young people favor the use of incense. They claim that incense makes the liturgy more beautiful. They connect the incense with those persons depicted in the icons. It is their belief that the bond with our predecessors is perpetuated, that it brings upon us all a special blessing. They contend that as a result of our prayers and praises being brought to the attention of the saints, they mediate before the Lord on our behalf.

They agree, moreover, that sometimes incense is used excessively, and some people may have some discomfort because of allergies or other chest conditions. One contends that incense is one of those traditions that keep us tied to our roots and its use ought not to end. High school girls add that censing is a pretty function

Concerning the practice of kneeling. High school children are firm in their conviction that kneeling is a must action in the Divine Liturgy. It is more reverent than standing. Kneeling is preferred because it indicates that God is known as Master. Since kneeling is primarily done during the Consecration, it serves as a reminder that this is the most important place in the Divine Liturgy. God is present at this moment, and heads must bow and knees must bend in the presence of God.

People's nonverbal behavior is often regarded as a reliable sign of what emotion they are experiencing. Just as an affectionate or "loving look" communicates such recognizable feeling, or just as an "anger look" communicates much familiar feeling, so it may be said that kneeling may indicate the emotional experiences the children are claiming when they designate them "humility" and "reverence." By observing the behavior of their parents in church since infancy, and mimicking them when they knelt beside them, the children, in their short lives, have learned in kneeling to feel humble and reverent. It may be said that, in kneeling, children experience some of the most pious moments of their lives (APPENDIX B, 236, H-5).

Concerning acolytes. High school students have different views from grammar school children about permitting girls to participate at the altar as acolytes. The younger the children are, the more zealously they guard the privilege of serving at the altar. The grammar school children voted solidly to honor tradition and permit only boys to be acolytes, but high school counterparts are divided in their approach to the issue. Half the boys who believe that only boys should be at the altar, justify their position simply saying that that's the way it should be done because that's the way it has always been done. Some believe that it would be too crowded with both girls and boys around the altar, and that practice ought not to be permitted. Two respondents who are willing to break with tradition believe an injustice may be done to some of the most devout girls in the church when they are distanced from the celebration of Christ's body and blood.

The fact that half the male respondents are willing to break with tradition may presage a lessening of the male grip on altar privilege in the future. Still, one-third of respondents refuse to reduce the restriction against females. One would grudgingly yield and allow girls in the ranks but in separate services thereby still keeping the sexes apart. One conceded that the sexes ought not be separated since one sex is not better than the other but are equal.

High school girls, on the other hand, hold to their earlier position as grammar school students. They persist in their view that, in divine worship, sexuality of persons should not play a part in the type of service that is permitted at the altar. One female, in an effort to negotiate a compromise, was willing to accept a lesser billing for girls upon the solea.

Nevertheless, it appears that the initial cultural impact upon children in the church, church schools and in the homes, is of such force as to affect future attitudes throughout people's lives. The view is held by some observers that the relational separation that exists between the sexes in varying degrees in the broader human setting may well have originated in the church from the earliest times of its emergence.

As children advance from grammar school to high school and thence toward young adulthood, inevitably their familiarity with the Holy Scriptures increases. At some juncture in their lives, they may discover that the Bible itself may provide considerable support for the tradition that excludes females from active participation in and around the sanctuary.

Concerning singing the response. Having grown up at Saint Nicholas during the impressionable years of their lives, high school males and females respond as though singing is, and has always been, part of the Orthodox worship practice. Their responses suggest that everybody, in any religious worship, is accustomed to singing in church from the beginning of their church-related experience. They confess, in the discussions that follow, that they cannot picture themselves in church without making some attempt at participating in the responses. Furthermore, their responses reveal they are listening to sermons because they learn from them about their religion.

Males and females are unanimous in their preference that the choir and congregation sing the responses together. They support their positive approach to singing the responses with the choir saying it is nice for people to join in when they want to. They feel that everybody should be part of the service. They maintain that congregational singing is the way churches originally operated.

The choir is vital because it leads, and without this aid, congregations would not be able to sing in an orderly fashion. One respondent claims the loudness that results when all sing together with the choir adds a spiritual quality that uplifts the soul (APPENDIX B, 250, I-4).

Concerning recitation of liturgical prayers. All respondents, both male and female, are unanimous in the opinion that priest and congregation recite the liturgical prayers together. They maintain they feel fulfilled when they pray. They do not want to be mere spectators. (APPENDIX B, 258, I-2). They believe, instead, that prayers connect the parts of the liturgy together into an integrated whole. Without participating in the recitation of prayers the worshipers may be oblivious to the liturgical progression from one part of the liturgy to the next and ultimately to its climax. They maintain further that prayers reveal the bounty of Christ's compassion, mercy, and forgiveness.

The notion that the priest is the only one who should pray is confusing to them. Instead, they argue that everyone needs, and is intended to be totally involved in, prayerful responding in church worship (APPENDIX B, 258,

J-2). Standing there, silently, is not what Orthodox tradition reveals about active worship.

Concerning receiving Holy Communion. Like the grammar-school age children, male and female, the high-schoolers are accordant in their approach to reception of Holy Communion whenever they go to church. Their traditional practice since grammar school has not changed. On the contrary, it has been strongly maintained and has further evolved into a committed Christian practice with greater and deeper meaning. The frequent reception of Holy Communion is a positive factor in helping young people accept Jesus Christ as their Lord and Savior. It is very gratifying to note how they describe, in their responses, the benefits derived from their Orthodox worship using such words as "free of sin;" "born again;" "new life;" "Jesus said;" "He offered;" "Lord;" "life everlasting."

They describe their relationship with the Lord further saying they feel the need to receive every Sunday because the Lord invites them to do so for the salvation of their soul. They believe it is of the utmost importance to be forgiven of their sins and to be assured of eternal life. Obviously the regular practice of their faith since childhood and receiving Holy Communion regularly brings children much closer to the Lord. Most importantly, what seems to grow within them with ardor is a deeper understanding of God's love for mankind for whom He died on the cross (APPENDIX B, 263, I-2).

Concerning method of distributing Holy Communion. By the time young people attain high school age, how they have practiced their faith since early childhood has become an essential need. Four of the ten male and female respondents do not consider the manner of dispensing Holy Communion worthy of discussion. Their primary concern is that they receive the body and blood of the Lord on the first day of the week.

Communion. The high schoolers supported their position saying the customary fashion is preferred because this is a holy and pure tradition. The method of implementation is unimportant (APPENDIX B, 269, I-1).

One female high-schooler, however, added that sanitation[1] should be considered (APPENDIX B, 270, J-4). It is interesting that sanitation concerns do not surface until high-school age and in only one instance out of ten respondents. It appears that the religious instruction children received formerly, in the home and in Sunday

school, is reviewed and more closely scrutinized in this critical stage of life.

High school age may very well be a crossroads in the spiritual life of an Orthodox Christian. When doubts begin to surface about the vulnerability of the Body of Christ to contamination, there is danger that the entire matter of faith in God and the need for established church and religion may come in question. High school age may be discovered to be the period of time in life when the most vital family traditions and teachings may be tested and authenticated or found wanting.

It is apparent that emerging generations of Greek descendants and the families they forge prefer some changes in forms of worship. This trend is also influenced, by the religious cultures of their friends and neighbors who invite them to their own churches on special occasions.

Furthermore, television, which demands full involvement, does not permit the viewer to remain passive or distant. It is just as much education as it is entertainment, and it is spontaneous and direct. The message it conveys is that the forms of worship must be natural to the perceptual and expressive character of the worshipers. They should reflect the people who worship and express the Christian faith over all other considerations, whether they be sociological or ethnic or racial.

There is, therefore, a vital need to become more sensitive to the various subcultures within any given culture. A practice that may appear perfectly natural to one age group, may be offensive to another. It may well be that the time of universal liturgical form is briskly passing. White declares,

In the past we have offered what businessmen call a manufacturing mentality. We produced a product and then looked for someone to take it. Now, instead, we need a marketing mentality. Businesses operating on a manufacturing mentality are not apt to survive since their competitors can produce something that people really want . . . . A marketing mentality searches for what people want and need and then resolves to satisfy that need. Our pastoral norm emphasizes the need to recognize the great variety of persons in the church today and their varying conditions of life.[2]

Table 5 interprets responses as indicating a preference for no change/change/no preference in each of the areas surveyed. The first column indicates the number of males and females who desired no change in traditional

worship practices. The second column indicates the number of those desiring change in certain areas of traditional worship. The third column indicates the number who have no

preference. The percentage figures then indicate to what extent overall change is endorsed.

NO-CHANGE AND CHANGE PREFERENCES. (Totals: 6 Males, 6 Females, 120 Responses) No No

The high school students want "no change" in the use of incense, kneeling, and the method of distributing Holy Communion. They wish only that incense be used sparingly. One altar boy pales even when the use of incense is terminated after the conclusion of matins, but he endures bravely, exiting now and then for fresh air.

In all other categories, change is desirable. It follows that the children will be inclined to favor that which parents prefer. One or both parents, in most cases, are of non-Greek Orthodox origin and prefer some of the practices of their former church affiliation. Of ten regular altar boys, twelve of twenty parents are non-Greek. Only one set of parents are of Greek heritage, while three sets of parents are non-Greek. Nevertheless, they want to be at Saint Nicholas where they gladly adopt and practice the worship customs they find there.

The preferences in divine worship provide a greater measure of participation on the part of the congregation. This carries some considerable merit from their point of view. One parent described worship in the Divine Liturgy with one word - pure.

[1] Occasionally, a Christian expresses the fear that the use of the same Λαβίς to distribute Holy Communion to many persons, consecutively, may contaminate the chalice and spread disease to many households. To this, the clergy respond:

the Eucharist was instituted by Christ when he commanded, during His Last Supper, "take eat" . . . "drink of it all of you," . . . "do this in remembrance of me." The Body and Blood of our Savior cannot be defiled!

See also Patrinacos, Dictionary of Greek Orthodoxy, 194-195.

[2] White, New Forms of Worship, 30-33.